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Nepalese Culture, Society and Tourism
 
People, Nature and Wild Life in Makalu - Barun
 
 
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Nepal is a small landlocked country only 800 kilometre's long and 177 km wide, situated between the Tibet Autonomous Region of the people's Republic of China in the north and India in south. The 83% of total land area are high mountains and waving hills. The total land of 147,181 sq. km about two third is absorbed by the hill and mountains with a accumulate armour of over 1,300 peaks and pinnacles including the world's highest mountain the recent static's show there are 21.8 million population approximately in Nepal. Nepal has 60 ethnic groups1 , 11 major languages, 70 dialects2 . This is the only Hindu kingdom in the world is also the birthplace of lord Buddha.

The project Makalu - Barun National Park and Conservation area covers an area of 2330 sq. km within the Solukhumbu and Sankhuwasabha distric of Nepal covering from high snow-capped and hilly region3. Mt. Makalu, worlds fifth highest peak is considered to be one of the most beautiful one in the world. The deep river gorges gash through the rugged land scape, creating dramatic changes of scenery. The area borders Qomolangma Nature preserve of the Tibet on the north, Saune Danda ridge on the South, the Arun river on the east and the area borders Sagarmatha National park on the west. This area also acquire one of the highest levels of rainfall in the hill region of eastern Nepal. The area has the richest diversity of flora and fauna found in Nepal. The climate ranges from subtropical temperate to alpine, to Frigid. From alpine glacier the landscape plunges to subtropical forests within a kilometre's. The soil is mostly brown, the top soil with yellowish brown in the mid hill and dark brown in the high mountains. The majority of the people depend on agriculture and animal husbandry. This was the main trail to Makalu Base an also the ancient trade route to Tibet . Num crosses the Arun river to the west side, and enters the Makalu Barun area.

A total of 32,000 people from a assortment of ethnic groups reside in the area and 5,885 establishment (Table - 1). The major ethnic arrangement is 64% Rai, 18% Singsawa (Bhotias) and 8% Sherpa, other residents belong to the Bahun - Chhetri 4% , other ethnic/caste group 6% (Table - 2). People speak Rai, Tibetan and Nepali as major language.

Table - 1: The Households and Population Distribution of Makalu-Barun Conservation Area

 
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District

Village Development Committee (VDC)
Households
Population
Shankuwasabha

Kimathangka

43 239
Chepuwa 550 3,063
Hatiya 600 2,709
Pathibhara 476 2,666
Makalu 645 3,350
Yaphu 523 3,400
Solukhumbu Mangtewa 388 2,161
Tamku 525 2,924
Bala 529 3,020
Sisuwakhola 435 2,423
Bung 568 3,594
  Chheskam 603 2,676
Total   5,885 32,225
Source: Nepali and Sangam, 1990a and 1990b.
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Table - 2: Number of Households in VDCs by Ethnic/Cast Group in
Makalu-Barun Conservation Area
 
VDC
Ethnic/Cast Group
Rai
Sherpa
Shingsawa
Bahun/
Chhetri
Other
Total
Kimathangka
0
0
43 (100%)
0
0
43
Chepuwa
0
0
548 (99.8%)
0
2 (0.2%)
550
Hatiya
25 (4%)
12 (2%)
476 (79%)
0
87 (15%)
600
Pathibhara
314 (66%)
41 (9%)
0
59 (12%)
62 (13%)
476
Makalu
210 (33%)
330 (51%)
0
77 (12%)
28 (4%)
645
Yaphu
467 (91%)
24 (5%)
0
6 (1%)
26 (5%)
523
Tamku
481 (92%)
2 (0.2%)
0
2 (0.2%)
40 (8%)
525
Mangtewa
328 (85%)
0
0
27 (7%)
33 (8%)
388
Bala
505 (95%)
5 (1%)
0
3 (1%)
16 (3%)
529
Sisuwakhola
413 (95%)
8 (2%)
0
10 (2%)
4 (1%)
435
Bung
475 (84%)
46 (8%)
0
29 (5%)
18 (3%)
568
Chheskam
561 (93%)
28 (5%)
0
0
14 (2%)
603
Total
3,779 (64%)
496 (8%)
1,067 (18%)
213 (4%)
330 (6%)
5,885

Source: Nepali and Sangam, 1990a and 1990b.

 
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The area can be divided into two major zones according to ethnic composition. Rai cultures predominate in the southern Village Development Areas: Yaphu (91%), Tamku (92%), Mangtewa (85%), Bala (95%), Sisuwakhal (95%), Bung (84%), Chheskam (93%), and Pathibhara (66%). Tibetan cultures (Shingsawa and Sherpa) dominate the northern Village Development Areas, which border the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China. Kimathangka is entirely Shingsawa; Chepuwa is 99.8% Shingsawa, and Hatiya is 79% Shingsawa. Makalu has mixed population of Sherpas (51%); Rais (33%); Bahun/Chhetri (12%) and ethnic groups (4%). The southern regions preferred by the Rais tend to be less remote than the high northeastern valleys preferred by the Shingsawas and the Sherpas. The southern areas are somewhat influenced by the Hindu-dominated cultures of neighbouring regions, and the process of sanskitization can be distinctly visible among them. In contrast, the rugged terrain of the north limits communication, thus preserving the area's distinct cultures. Most residents of the Makalu-Barun area are subsistence farmers. Most households (98%) own some kind of land (Banskota and Upadhyay 1990b). Farming is confined primarily to rain-fed uplands (bari). Rotational slash-and-burn farming (khoriya) is the major source of food. Animal husbandry is the second major economic activity; livestock and poultry are kept in 83 percent of the households. Goats and pigs are reared by households of all ethnic groups. Pigs are used in various ways: for meat by Shingsawa; and for religious ceremonies by Rais. Trees, an important household resource, are used for fodder, firewood and timber. All the ethnic groups of the area are highly dependent on the malingo bamboo species and protect it through various management measures. Natural resources are preserve by many communities without involvement from external agencies. During seasonal food shortages, some residents habitually migrate to other regions to barter for needed grain and supplies, or to earn cash wages from day labour. Women also participate in the economy, performing multiple roles as agriculturists, housewives, entrepreneurs, traders and porters, sometimes generating needed supplementary cash income 4.
Social Structure of Majority of the people

The majority of people are from Rai community. There are fifteen to twenty Rai - Sub - tribes with different diction. The Kulung Rai's are primarily the aborigines of the Majhkirat. The Mewahang and Yamphu Rai are the aborigines of the middle and western regions, having better and fertile agricultural land . The Rai families whose ancestors were early settlers of the region categorise themselves with the appellation "zimmi" 5.

Hatiya, Chepuwa and Kimathangka village are populated by an ethnic group called shingsawas (literally "farmer"). Tibetans by the belittle title Lhome or Lhomi ("southerner") and to Nepali by the equally damning name Kar-Bhote. Culturally and linguistically the Shingsawas appear and look to be set apart from the Sherpas, with whom they do not intermarry. In Kimathangka, near the border of Tibet there is a custom of polyandrous marriage practised by 23 of the 43 families. They are proud of their polyandry culture and believe that other people don't practice it because of poverty6.

Himalayan region of eastern Nepal is considered as the home of one of the most essential ethnic groups of Nepal, the Sherpa. While introducing each other, the Sherpas use autarky i.e."Serwa" preference of the term "Sherpa" as it is their exonym. The term "Sherpa" is relatively new. Otherwise they say nga serva hin(I am "Serwa") substitute of the term "Sherpa". Both ideographic and nomothetic inquiries prove that their ancestry motherland was Salmogang of Kham region of Tiber. Because of the political confrontation with the neighbouring bailiwick, the Sherpa left their motherland first in 1480 A.D. and reached Khumbo in 1530 A.D7. In Yaphu and Makalu village development areas, deteriorate of Sherpas who intermarried with people from other Tibetan ancestry, call them selves "Khumbo". There are usually not distinguished from other Sherpas but if they are, they are generally called "Nava"8 . Rai, Shingsawas, and Sherpa both they speak Tibeto Burmese language and they belongs from Mongoloid race.

We found Tibetan culture in northern and north-eastern village Development Areas are inhabited primarily by people of Mongoloid race or origins who speak Tibetan dialects. The area's rugged terrain slopes and broad ledges reaching high above the Arun River - limits communication. Largely because of this enforced insularity, the area's indigenous Tibetan speakers are not a homogeneous group, but they belong to a large number of relatively distinct communities.

Architecture
In Architecture people use locally available materials. Bamboo is very popular in this area. The distinguishing feature of the Rai financial aspect is the creative use of bamboo. Lohrung Rai believe that bamboo is their kinsman signifying manliness and close relation. Bamboo and stone are the main materials of house construction among Tibetan- speaking groups. Sherpa and Rai houses are usually mud- plastered and white washed by a special kind of clay the powder (Kamero) . Bamboo is used for roofing and partitioning. They tend to be greater constructed and maintained the Shingsawa house.
Religion

The Rai people worshipping both Hinduism and Buddhism . The oral religious tradition known as muddum, has influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism. It still retains some of its originality in the oral form myths, ceremonial dialogues and ritual recitations aimed at the periodic appeasement of ancestor divinities and spirits associated with nature (Ramble 1989). The oral myths deal with the origin of the world, particular by among the Mewahang Rais. The ceremonial dialogues are held between maiti (wife giver) and Kutumba (wife taker)9 . Rai still practice the traditions of worshipping deities believed to be living in the Jungles, on mountains, rivers in the house and particularly in the hearth etc. In the season consistency Nagi rite is performed Nagi, the water serpent, is believed a public deity for Rai and there are distinctive priest who performs the rites either for a whole village or for a single household. Purge, the household deity is kept inside the house, usually in corner of the house away from the access. There gods are not in form of images or icon, but spirits, kept in earthen pots. Bhume rites are observed in spring and fall10. There rites ensure the fertility of the land and makes prosperous to for the individual as well as the community on the whole. Thus, during the waas festival otherwise known as "chande naach" , every household has its own ceremony beside the communal ceremony. During the Hindu festival of Dashain, Hindu rites are performed accommodate to certain rites of the prestigious religion of the country. They have absorbed specific custom in the festival. A married couple must visit the wife's brothers with a gift of liquor and receive a blessing from them. There are two kinds of priest one works in religious ceremony and the other for the treating of the sick that is wizard. They following the Hindu tradition enjoy Tihar with great enthusiasm and participate as Dausi and Bhailo.

Shingsawas believe in lamaistic Buddhism and which is also mixed with Bonpo religion . Buddhist religious institutions are more prostrate to syncretism (the combination of different forms of belief) in this remote area than in the Buddhist centre of greater Tibet. Cults of local gods and the fragments of folk customs are more in evidence here, and the defenders of the Buddhist faith are sometimes hard - pressed to prevent degeneration of the doctrine . Very often the syncretism takes a compatible form (Ramble, 1989)11 . local tradition glorify the omnipresent Padmasambhava also call him the father of Lamaism; the eight century devout and conjurer . Also Tibetan - speaking groups, Shingsawas do animals sacrifice. Gombas (Buddhist altars ) are accepted in almost all the Shingsawa establishments in Hatiya, but locality Gombas (monks residence) are scanty. Prayer wheels and Chortens (Stupa of Northern Nepal) are common features of the landscape. Shingsawas consider themselves followers of the Kargua sect.

The Sherpas of this reason follow the Nyigmapa sect of Buddhism. The Sherpas norms, values ethics and moral are guided by earlier mentioned proverb and saying . We can see monastery and nunnery (gonde) , village entry gate (kani), hanging prayer flag (lungta) , a long stone- wall carved with mantras (mani), prayer wheels (hyangkurmani) erected sacred pole along with prayer/flags (dharchowk), stupa (chhorten) are the clue parts of the Sherpas religion. Lama is believed as spiritual teacher and ritual performer12 . Lama means "The supreme man". In order to be a Lama by principal one has to start 3 years, 3 months,3 days in strong discipline an penance following the rules then only he will be address as Lama. Gon-pa which means (male) THE IDEAL MAN (good man). It is who celibate in monasteries. He is consider as a good man. Gon-ma THE IDEAL WOMAN .It is she who celibate in monasteries. She is consider as a good woman. Gon-pe man who has follow meditation. These people deeply believe on reincarnation and they are enthusiastically influenced by the prayer, om mani pe me hum rhim of AryaAvalokiteshwar. They are devided conscientiously into two groups. One is geddhyunba (religious) and Ligtemba (secular) .The common people are directly depending upon the Lama sheers the Lama is dependent on gods. For the benefit of removing damnation, to get aegis from the evil sprit and to get advantage, the Sherpas pray, pay visit to pilgrimages invite the Lama, and perform rites, and allay the gods and goddesses or Local spirit like lu,siddhak, nedhak, and terdhak, and subdue the malevolent sprits. This reveals that they are every day governed by religious. Their religion clarification, is lay gyunde (result of good and bad deeds). They have clear concept of fate (sonam). Every mortal is born along with good and bad fate that determines one's whole life. So we can say that they nave harder living condition the greater faith in religion. Their majir festivals are Manirimdue (This is full of - scale deliverance and mask dance), Losar (This is new year and socially concerned),Dumje (This is religious and exorcism rite), Nyungne (This is a fasting rite through which one is supposed to get relief from the damnation). In all ceremony Lamas seem most ascendant. Presently two Gombas function in the Makalu-Barun area. Chyamtan Goba administers the villages of the Chyamtan, Guthi Gomba, Chepuwa, Hatiya, Hongong, Ridak, Thudam, Chhumsur, Rukumma and Namase. Syaksila Goba administers Equwa, Lingam, Syaksila, Simbung, Tunkhaling and Kimathangka. Under the Goba system, Zimwal (landowners) collect revenues, while Thari Mukhiya, working under the Zimwal, handle administrative affairs, Gourang (messengers), also assist in the social affairs, rotating every Losar13 .

Hunting

Rais are ace hunters , and they still allay the sixteen gods of the forest. But this no longer basic a major economic acceptation, although it may accommodate occasional meat and cash income. Hunting sometimes takes place for religious purposes: Rai wizard reportedly use a wide range of wild animals and body parts in ceremonies, such as the antler of a barking beer as a drumstick. But Sherpas adopted no hunt , because Buddhist religion commands against killing animal. However, many Sherpas absorb large quantities of wild and domestic animal meet with chhang (home made bear) during the Tibetan festival of Losar like wise Shingsawas sometimes hunt to achieve animal parts for religious or medical uses. Tibetan traditional wizard (Ihawa) use animal horns and skins in some monasteries. In Makalu village development committee, unwanted pregnancies have reportedly been terminated by eating the fetus of a barking deer. The honey hunting is intricacy and risk involved in collecting wild honey make it an adventurous economic activity.

The Different Economy Activities
Agriculture:
The area was once self-sufficient in food (Haimendorf 1975), but now there is a lack of adequate food. Even in Hatiya, where the land is fertile, people make little effort to increase agricultural productivity. Large amounts of rice and other grains are used to produce Jaand/Chhyang (local beer), which is used at almost every social occasion. All disputes are solved by offering conciliatory Jaand14 . Rais are traditionally agriculturists. Their socio-economic system has evolved to suit the rough terrain and steep hills of their land. Slash-and-burn (Khoriya) is an essential part of the agro-forestry culture, a way to alleviate the area's chronic food shortages. Almost one-third of annual grain requirements are fulfilled by slash-and burn technology. However, tow-thirds of the agricultural production in Khoriya land is damaged by wild animals. The rotation cycle for using and clearing new land has grown shorter. Once it was twelve to fifteen years; now it is three to five years. The Rais still claim individual ownership of the steep Khoriya plots, but had difficulty proving the legality of their claims until the cadastral land measuring survey in 198915 .
Seasonal Migration:
Subsistence agriculture does not adequately meet the economic needs of the area. Many young male residents seasonally migrate to work for cash wages in other regions: the farms of the Terai region of southern Nepal, the tea plantation of India, or the fruit orchards of Bhutan. Some join the Indian army16 . Due to the low agricultural productivity, many young, active Shingsawa family members migrate seasonally from their homeland as Kabela (in caravan). Like Rais, Shingsawas migrate to the Terai (southern Nepal) and to greater India to make up for the economic deficits during winter. The Shingsawas trade in herbs and medicinal plants (Chiraito, Jatamansi, etc.), which are plentifully available in the northern border area. Using their knowledge of medicinal plants, they work as medical practitioners. Some families have settled in Darjeeling (West Bengal, India), adopting the profession of butcher (Goshwala). The income is reportedly substantial (Nepali and Sangam 1990). Many Sherpas migrate to Kathmandu to work as trekking guides or porters for tourists, some earning substantial incomes17 .
Animal Husbandry:
Goats and pigs are the major livestock of Rai households. Certain Rai clans, such as the Mewahang, consider the consumption of goat meat taboo, but they rear goats to sell elsewhere for a high economic return. Most Rai families rear pigs. Most Shingwas are materially poorer than Shepas. Many Shingsawa and Sherpa families rear sheep, and exchange the wool for food grains with the southern Rais. A few Sherpa families in Kimathangka and Makalu Village Development Areas rear yaks. In Makalu, they rear buffaloes18 .
Bamboo:
A striking feature of the Rai economy is the creative use of bamboo. There are seven species in the area (Shrestha, 1988), Strong, versatile and fast-growing, bamboo is used in every conceivable way: As many as 57 domestic articles made of bamboo have been collected from a single Rai household (Seeland, 1980). The Lohrung Rai believe that bamboo is their brother, signifying manliness (Charlotte, 1989). The growth of this important resource is locally-managed. In some, ownership of bamboo plots is communal (Diemberger , 1989) whereas in other places it is owned by individual or the government19 .
Allo:
The nettle fibber (allo), was once popular as a dress material among the Rais, especially the Kulung. Other Rais called the Kulung Bhangre (users of rough clothing), because of their allo garments. But allo is now losing importance in the area. Mewahang and "Zimmi" Rais prefer to avoid weaving allo cloth. Modern techniques have been introduced in some areas. The Rais of Bala, Sisuwakhola, Mangtewa and Tamku now produce all/wool blends that are being marketed outside the area 20.
Barter
There is still barter economy accepted. Grain is bartered for wool with the Sherpas. They collected wool is spun and woven as a radhi, pakhi (woollen carpet and blankets), used domestically and commercially.
Community Organisations
Although many traditional organisations are not legally registered or legalised by the government, their effect on norms, behaviour and practices is powerful. Almost all these institutions are communal, comprising either the whole village or just kin groups.

Dharma-Guthi (Religious-trusts): Pathibhara Village of Bhotkhola, with a numerically-dominant population of Yamphu Rais, has tow Dharma-guthi functioning as cereal banks for trust members during times of natural calamity. During drought or food scarcity the members can collect grain by paying interest to the Guthi, at rates lower than the market rate. The current informal interest rate of the village market (40 percent) is higher than the official government and bank interest rate 918 percent). The collection of grain usually takes place after the month of Shrawan (June/July)21 .

Samaj (Societies): Rais of Yaphu, Mangtewa and Tamku have formed samaj or social welfare trusts, which help the community perform functions, ceremonies and festivals. They raise funds through donations and by organising a recital program (Deusi) at the Hindu festival of Tihar. The trust originated when people of these villages faced the problem of collecting sal leaves to make plates for their religious functions22 .

Kipat (a communal system of land tenure): Kipat was once prevalent among the Rais and Limbs of eastern Nepal. In the Makalu-Barun area Kipat tenure was abolished in 1940-41, but further east, among the Limbus, it continued until 1968. Kipat land was not taxed in the same way as Raikar. Instead, each household paid a fixed sum of money to the government irrespective of the amount of land it owned. Entitlement to use Kipat land was based on membership of a particular ethnic group and the territory was subdivided according to clans. Rais Kipatiyas were responsible for the collection and delivery of taxes, and held judicial authority over all offences except those which entailed capital punishment or loss of caste. Even after the abolition of Kipat the authority of the Kipatiyas continued. The authority of the Kipatiyas continued. The Rais continued to exercise the privilege of tax collection. But presently neither has de facto nor de jury control over the land. In many villages the Zimwal oversees the collection of land revenue for the District Land Revenue Office. Although this gives him prestige, it does not provide any financial benefits. This system may continue until the area is surveyed by the Land Survey Department. The institution of Kipat no longer has the same influence over society as it once did and the Zimwal has only local influence23 .

Charipuja (land-worship): Charipuja is performed by all Rais to increase agricultural productivity. The terminology differs from one group to another, but the ritual is always attached to land and water sources. Its importance for Rais is comparable to the festival of Dasain for Hindus24 .

Kiduk: The Shingswas of Bhotkhola observe a social management system called Kiduk for the performance of social rites and rituals. In times of crisis one seeks financial or management help from the Kiduk. This system functions in the traditional context of the society where no one is in command. The lead role is played by the person who seeks help from the community where all families are linked either by marital or blood relations. This system works smoothly at the community level due to the homogeneity of the area and can be utilised in programmes at the grassroots level25 .

Gobas: Traditional village chieftains, command high social status in Shingsawa communities. According to Mr. Jenjin Bhote, Goba of Syaksila Village, these chieftains had the authority to maintain law and order in their assigned areas until 1950. Gobas now work only as tax collectors, similar to the Zimbal. Before 1950, the Goba system predominated in villages north of the Arun River such as Hedangna, Seduwa, Walung, Chhoyang, Yaphu, Mangtewa and Tamku26 .

People, Nature And Wild Life
In this conservation Area there are five peaks, they are Makalu (8463 meters), vhssmlang (7319), Barunts (7129meters), Amadablam (6812m) and Mera peak (6654m) . Mt. Makalu, worlds fifth highest peak. There are Nine Lakes/pounds. They are panch pokhari, Barun pokhari, Tama pokhari, Dudh pokhari, Panch pokheri, Jhale pokheri, Tin pokheri, Yekle pokheri, and Thulo pokhari, The popular rivers are Arun river (khola) ,Saldima khola, Barun khola, Isuwa khola, Apsuwa khola, Sankhuwa khola, Si suwa khola, Hungu khola, Inkhu khola, and Dudh koshi khola.

The issues of a Himalayan "eco-crisis" have been raised time and again, describing the exploitation of forests and marginal agricultural land in an attempt to produce enough food. It has been argued that forest cover is being destroyed. Erosion and landslides are increasing, thus decreasing the productivity of soil, pasture and forest products. The question is, who is responsible for this, local residents, or external or natural processes ? Himalayan ethnic groups have many traditions and practices which help them live in harmony with their surroundings. This process has carried on through many generations, based on experience and instinct, rather than conscious thought. Such communities identify themselves as part of nature (Diemberger 1989; Arts; Michael 1989). The land is not only a place from which to gather material resources, but also a vast storehouse of images and experiences which create a sense of their place in the world. This universal phenomenon is especially evident in the case of communities that live in close collaboration with nature (Ramble and Chapagain 1990). As Rappaport (1997) wrote: Nature is seen by humans through a screen of beliefs, knowledge, and purposes rather than as the actual structure of nature. Yet, it is upon nature that they do act, and it is nature itself that acts upon them. Disparities between images of nature are always simpler than nature and in some degree or sense inexact, for ecological systems are complex and subtle beyond full comprehension. After centuries of experience, residents of remote areas generally understand the consequences of mishandling nature. It is obviously not in their best interest to destroy the environmental balance. They have devised the means to protect their forest, pasture and water resources through their own time-tried technologies. The examples of managed preservation and conservation of natural resources over the centuries by local people can be seen in many places in Nepal (Forbes 1989). For generations, local residents used various traditional management strategies which protected forests and pastures. These policies, which conserved natural resources and utilised local resources for domestic needs, should be incorporated into development planning. The livelihoods of most people in the Makalu-Barun area are based on agro-forestry. Living in remote, rough terrain, they depend on the forest resources around them and try to utilise them in a sustainable manner. The need for scientific or planned management of natural resources was seldom considered, either by local people (who are unaware of such systems), or by outside planners. The only exceptions were four village-level community forestry programs27 .

Makula Barun have contrasting altitudes are create dramatic changes in climate, wild life and plants within only a few kilometres.

In tropical (500-1,000m) Sal and broad -leaved forests, cultivated fields and in wildlife includes porcupine, Languor, Wild boar and Jackal.
Then in sub- Tropical plants (1,000-1500) forests of Chir pine, alder Schima - Castanopsis, terraced farm land and wild animals clouded Leopard, Himalaya black bear, Jungle cat, and Indian Muntjac.

In temperate climate (2,500-3,500) forests of rhododendron oak, laurel, maple, magnolia, and alder Terraced farm land . Wild life includes wolf, musk deer, red panda and Himalayan tahr.

On Sub- Alpine (3,500-4,500) forests of birch, Silver fir, and rhododendron mingled with Sub -alpine grassland. Wildlife include Himalayan Weasel, marmot and yak.

Like wise in Alpine (4,500-6,000) alpinegrassland, bushes a medicine herbs, Juniper/rhododen dron scrub at lower regions. Mostly rock and ice with little vegetation and wild life above 5,000m snow Leopard and red fox roam this zone.

And last Nival (above 6,000) there are 30 Himalayan peaks towering 6, 000 meters and higher in the Makalu Barun area.

Not only that in this area we found 25 species of rhododendron, 47 types of orchids and 56 rare or endangered plants. We found hundred types of sungabha (kind of flower), 48 types of wild rose, and 3000 types of colourful flowers . Bird watchers and exports found 400 types of bird and 16 are very eminent. Here founds 67 types of Herbs. In the pounds and rivers we founds 24 types of fish and 50 types of mammals.

Makalu-Barun is a paradise for eco-tourism. Eco-tourism definer as ambience and socially accountable tourism which attenuate degradation of natural environment, culture, and socio-economic contingent and provides economic benefit to local people through employment and service. So Makalu-Barun can be paradise of the world of tourist and Nature walkers.

 

 

1. Dr. Ramesh Raj Kuwar, Ethnicity in South Asia, pg. no. 29.
2. Ibid, pg. no. 30.
3. Kamal Baskota, Bikash Sharma and Murari Upadhya, Socia Economic Survey of The Makalu Barun Conservation Area, pg. no. 1.
4. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural onsiderations: An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 4.
5. Ibid, pg. no. 6.
6. Ibid, pg. no. 8.
7. Dr. Ramesh Raj Kunwar, The Sherpa of Nepal, pg. no. 20.
8. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural Considerations: An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 8.
9. Ibid, pg. no. 6.
10. Sueyoshi Toba, Rites of Passage: An Aspect of Rai Cuture, pg. no. 15.
11. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural onsiderations: An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 8.
12. Dr. Ramesh Raj Kunwar, The Sherpa of Nepal, pg. no. 23.
13. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural onsiderations: An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 11.
14. Ibid, pg. no. 9.
15. Ibid, pg. no. 7.
16. Ibid, pg. no. 7.
17. Ibid, pg. no. 9.
18. Ibid, pg. no. 7/9.
19 . Ibid, pg. no. 6/7.
20. Ibid, pg. no. 7.
21. Ibid, pg. no. 10.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid, pg. no. 11.
25. Ibid, pg. no. 10.
26. Ibid, pg. no. 11.
27. Ibid, pg. no. 25/26

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References:
 

Baskota, Kamal, Bikash Sharma and Murari Upadhyaya. (1996). Socio Economic Survey of the Makalu-Barun Conservation Area (Report 28). Kathmandu: The Mountain Institute.

Kunwar, Dr. Ramesh. Ehnicity in South Asia. Kathmandu: Laxmi Kunwar.

Nepal Sherpa Association (Journal). (1996). Kathmandu: Author.

Nepali, Rohit Kumar. (1996). Development Efforts and Cultural Considerations: An Anthropological Study (Report 19). Kathmandu: The Mountain Institute.

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Nepali, R. K. and K. Samgam. (1990b) Status of Community Needs, Resources and Development: Sankhuwasabha District. Working Paper Publications Series, Report 20. Nepal: Makalu Barun Conservation Project, Kathmandu.

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  Untitled Document
 

Nepalese Culture, Society and Tourism
By: Diwas Dhakal

This book is a collection
of essays devoted to the
Nepalese Culture,Society and Tourism. A special
stress on Natural and
cultural Heritage of Nepal has been very carefully emphasised.
Diwas Dhakal, 2000 ISBN 99933-570-0-6,
First Edition 2000
Published by:
Mukta Dhakl
Read more
Contents:

Tourism in Nepal: A Critical Analysis

Ghandruk: A Socio-cultural Study

The Aqua Culture of Kathmandu

People, Nature and Wild Life in Makalu - Barun

Purnachandi Bhuja Jatra of Patan: A Protection from Lightening

Vajrayan Buddhism and Nepal

The Accumulate Stupa of Ramagrama

The Stupa of Boudhnath: A World Heritage Site

Pagoda Style Architecture and Nepal

Development of Architecture in Nepal

 
 
 
 
 
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