The learned author has missed many aspects of Nepalese culture.
The so called Virupakshya is described by him as a nobel man. If the author
had studied more carefully he would not have missed the third eye indicating
that the figure is one of the manifestations of Shiva and not a nobel man.
Nepal is a tourist's paradise with an infinite variety of
interesting things to see and do. Nepal has many things to offer the visitor
the flourishing of art and architecture a demonstrated by the temples of
Kathmandu Valley, the natural beauties of the soaring peaks of Himalayas
including Mountain Everest and others.
Nepal is a small
landlocked country only 800 kilometre's long and 177 km wide,
situated between the Tibet Autonomous Region of the people's
Republic of China in the north and India in south. The 83% of
total land area are high mountains and waving hills. The total
land of 147,181 sq. km about two third is absorbed by the hill
and mountains with a accumulate armour of over 1,300 peaks and
pinnacles including the world's highest mountain the recent
static's show there are 21.8 million population approximately
in Nepal. Nepal has 60 ethnic groups1
, 11 major languages, 70 dialects2 .
This is the only Hindu kingdom in the world is also the birthplace
of lord Buddha.
The project Makalu - Barun National Park and Conservation
area covers an area of 2330 sq. km within the Solukhumbu and
Sankhuwasabha distric of Nepal covering from high snow-capped
and hilly region3. Mt. Makalu, worlds
fifth highest peak is considered to be one of the most beautiful
one in the world. The deep river gorges gash through the rugged
land scape, creating dramatic changes of scenery. The area
borders Qomolangma Nature preserve of the Tibet on the north,
Saune Danda ridge on the South, the Arun river on the east
and the area borders Sagarmatha National park on the west.
This area also acquire one of the highest levels of rainfall
in the hill region of eastern Nepal. The area has the richest
diversity of flora and fauna found in Nepal. The climate ranges
from subtropical temperate to alpine, to Frigid. From alpine
glacier the landscape plunges to subtropical forests within
a kilometre's. The soil is mostly brown, the top soil with
yellowish brown in the mid hill and dark brown in the high
mountains. The majority of the people depend on agriculture
and animal husbandry. This was the main trail to Makalu Base
an also the ancient trade route to Tibet . Num crosses the
Arun river to the west side, and enters the Makalu Barun area.
A total of 32,000 people from a assortment of ethnic groups
reside in the area and 5,885 establishment (Table - 1). The
major ethnic arrangement is 64% Rai, 18% Singsawa (Bhotias)
and 8% Sherpa, other residents belong to the Bahun - Chhetri
4% , other ethnic/caste group 6% (Table - 2). People speak
Rai, Tibetan and Nepali as major language.
Table - 1: The Households and Population
Distribution of Makalu-Barun Conservation Area
The area can be divided into two major zones according
to ethnic composition. Rai cultures predominate in the southern
Village Development Areas: Yaphu (91%), Tamku (92%), Mangtewa
(85%), Bala (95%), Sisuwakhal (95%), Bung (84%), Chheskam (93%),
and Pathibhara (66%). Tibetan cultures (Shingsawa and Sherpa)
dominate the northern Village Development Areas, which border
the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China.
Kimathangka is entirely Shingsawa; Chepuwa is 99.8% Shingsawa,
and Hatiya is 79% Shingsawa. Makalu has mixed population of
Sherpas (51%); Rais (33%); Bahun/Chhetri (12%) and ethnic groups
(4%). The southern regions preferred by the Rais tend to be
less remote than the high northeastern valleys preferred by
the Shingsawas and the Sherpas. The southern areas are somewhat
influenced by the Hindu-dominated cultures of neighbouring regions,
and the process of sanskitization can be distinctly visible
among them. In contrast, the rugged terrain of the north limits
communication, thus preserving the area's distinct cultures.
Most residents of the Makalu-Barun area are subsistence farmers.
Most households (98%) own some kind of land (Banskota and Upadhyay
1990b). Farming is confined primarily to rain-fed uplands (bari).
Rotational slash-and-burn farming (khoriya) is the major source
of food. Animal husbandry is the second major economic activity;
livestock and poultry are kept in 83 percent of the households.
Goats and pigs are reared by households of all ethnic groups.
Pigs are used in various ways: for meat by Shingsawa; and for
religious ceremonies by Rais. Trees, an important household
resource, are used for fodder, firewood and timber. All the
ethnic groups of the area are highly dependent on the malingo
bamboo species and protect it through various management measures.
Natural resources are preserve by many communities without involvement
from external agencies. During seasonal food shortages, some
residents habitually migrate to other regions to barter for
needed grain and supplies, or to earn cash wages from day labour.
Women also participate in the economy, performing multiple roles
as agriculturists, housewives, entrepreneurs, traders and porters,
sometimes generating needed supplementary cash income 4.
Social Structure of Majority of the people
The majority of people are from Rai community.
There are fifteen to twenty Rai - Sub - tribes with different
diction. The Kulung Rai's are primarily the aborigines of
the Majhkirat. The Mewahang and Yamphu Rai are the aborigines
of the middle and western regions, having better and fertile
agricultural land . The Rai families whose ancestors were
early settlers of the region categorise themselves with the
appellation "zimmi" 5.
Hatiya, Chepuwa and Kimathangka village are populated by
an ethnic group called shingsawas (literally "farmer").
Tibetans by the belittle title Lhome or Lhomi ("southerner")
and to Nepali by the equally damning name Kar-Bhote. Culturally
and linguistically the Shingsawas appear and look to be set
apart from the Sherpas, with whom they do not intermarry.
In Kimathangka, near the border of Tibet there is a custom
of polyandrous marriage practised by 23 of the 43 families.
They are proud of their polyandry culture and believe that
other people don't practice it because of poverty6.
Himalayan region of eastern Nepal is considered as the home
of one of the most essential ethnic groups of Nepal, the Sherpa.
While introducing each other, the Sherpas use autarky i.e."Serwa"
preference of the term "Sherpa" as it is their exonym.
The term "Sherpa" is relatively new. Otherwise they
say nga serva hin(I am "Serwa") substitute of the
term "Sherpa". Both ideographic and nomothetic inquiries
prove that their ancestry motherland was Salmogang of Kham
region of Tiber. Because of the political confrontation with
the neighbouring bailiwick, the Sherpa left their motherland
first in 1480 A.D. and reached Khumbo in 1530 A.D7.
In Yaphu and Makalu village development areas, deteriorate
of Sherpas who intermarried with people from other Tibetan
ancestry, call them selves "Khumbo". There are usually
not distinguished from other Sherpas but if they are, they
are generally called "Nava"8
. Rai, Shingsawas, and Sherpa both they speak Tibeto Burmese
language and they belongs from Mongoloid race.
We found Tibetan culture in northern and north-eastern village
Development Areas are inhabited primarily by people of Mongoloid
race or origins who speak Tibetan dialects. The area's rugged
terrain slopes and broad ledges reaching high above the Arun
River - limits communication. Largely because of this enforced
insularity, the area's indigenous Tibetan speakers are not
a homogeneous group, but they belong to a large number of
relatively distinct communities.
In Architecture people use locally available materials.
Bamboo is very popular in this area. The distinguishing feature
of the Rai financial aspect is the creative use of bamboo. Lohrung
Rai believe that bamboo is their kinsman signifying manliness
and close relation. Bamboo and stone are the main materials
of house construction among Tibetan- speaking groups. Sherpa
and Rai houses are usually mud- plastered and white washed by
a special kind of clay the powder (Kamero) . Bamboo is used
for roofing and partitioning. They tend to be greater constructed
and maintained the Shingsawa house.
The Rai people worshipping both Hinduism and
Buddhism . The oral religious tradition known as muddum, has
influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism. It still retains some
of its originality in the oral form myths, ceremonial dialogues
and ritual recitations aimed at the periodic appeasement of
ancestor divinities and spirits associated with nature (Ramble
1989). The oral myths deal with the origin of the world, particular
by among the Mewahang Rais. The ceremonial dialogues are held
between maiti (wife giver) and Kutumba (wife taker)9
. Rai still practice the traditions of worshipping deities
believed to be living in the Jungles, on mountains, rivers
in the house and particularly in the hearth etc. In the season
consistency Nagi rite is performed Nagi, the water serpent,
is believed a public deity for Rai and there are distinctive
priest who performs the rites either for a whole village or
for a single household. Purge, the household deity is kept
inside the house, usually in corner of the house away from
the access. There gods are not in form of images or icon,
but spirits, kept in earthen pots. Bhume rites are observed
in spring and fall10. There rites
ensure the fertility of the land and makes prosperous to for
the individual as well as the community on the whole. Thus,
during the waas festival otherwise known as "chande naach"
, every household has its own ceremony beside the communal
ceremony. During the Hindu festival of Dashain, Hindu rites
are performed accommodate to certain rites of the prestigious
religion of the country. They have absorbed specific custom
in the festival. A married couple must visit the wife's brothers
with a gift of liquor and receive a blessing from them. There
are two kinds of priest one works in religious ceremony and
the other for the treating of the sick that is wizard. They
following the Hindu tradition enjoy Tihar with great enthusiasm
and participate as Dausi and Bhailo.
Shingsawas believe in lamaistic Buddhism and which is also
mixed with Bonpo religion . Buddhist religious institutions
are more prostrate to syncretism (the combination of different
forms of belief) in this remote area than in the Buddhist
centre of greater Tibet. Cults of local gods and the fragments
of folk customs are more in evidence here, and the defenders
of the Buddhist faith are sometimes hard - pressed to prevent
degeneration of the doctrine . Very often the syncretism takes
a compatible form (Ramble, 1989)11
. local tradition glorify the omnipresent Padmasambhava also
call him the father of Lamaism; the eight century devout and
conjurer . Also Tibetan - speaking groups, Shingsawas do animals
sacrifice. Gombas (Buddhist altars ) are accepted in almost
all the Shingsawa establishments in Hatiya, but locality Gombas
(monks residence) are scanty. Prayer wheels and Chortens (Stupa
of Northern Nepal) are common features of the landscape. Shingsawas
consider themselves followers of the Kargua sect.
The Sherpas of this reason follow the Nyigmapa sect of Buddhism.
The Sherpas norms, values ethics and moral are guided by earlier
mentioned proverb and saying . We can see monastery and nunnery
(gonde) , village entry gate (kani), hanging prayer flag (lungta)
, a long stone- wall carved with mantras (mani), prayer wheels
(hyangkurmani) erected sacred pole along with prayer/flags
(dharchowk), stupa (chhorten) are the clue parts of the Sherpas
religion. Lama is believed as spiritual teacher and ritual
performer12 . Lama means "The
supreme man". In order to be a Lama by principal one
has to start 3 years, 3 months,3 days in strong discipline
an penance following the rules then only he will be address
as Lama. Gon-pa which means (male) THE IDEAL MAN (good man).
It is who celibate in monasteries. He is consider as a good
man. Gon-ma THE IDEAL WOMAN .It is she who celibate in monasteries.
She is consider as a good woman. Gon-pe man who has follow
meditation. These people deeply believe on reincarnation and
they are enthusiastically influenced by the prayer, om mani
pe me hum rhim of AryaAvalokiteshwar. They are devided conscientiously
into two groups. One is geddhyunba (religious) and Ligtemba
(secular) .The common people are directly depending upon the
Lama sheers the Lama is dependent on gods. For the benefit
of removing damnation, to get aegis from the evil sprit and
to get advantage, the Sherpas pray, pay visit to pilgrimages
invite the Lama, and perform rites, and allay the gods and
goddesses or Local spirit like lu,siddhak, nedhak, and terdhak,
and subdue the malevolent sprits. This reveals that they are
every day governed by religious. Their religion clarification,
is lay gyunde (result of good and bad deeds). They have clear
concept of fate (sonam). Every mortal is born along with good
and bad fate that determines one's whole life. So we can say
that they nave harder living condition the greater faith in
religion. Their majir festivals are Manirimdue (This is full
of - scale deliverance and mask dance), Losar (This is new
year and socially concerned),Dumje (This is religious and
exorcism rite), Nyungne (This is a fasting rite through which
one is supposed to get relief from the damnation). In all
ceremony Lamas seem most ascendant. Presently two Gombas function
in the Makalu-Barun area. Chyamtan Goba administers the villages
of the Chyamtan, Guthi Gomba, Chepuwa, Hatiya, Hongong, Ridak,
Thudam, Chhumsur, Rukumma and Namase. Syaksila Goba administers
Equwa, Lingam, Syaksila, Simbung, Tunkhaling and Kimathangka.
Under the Goba system, Zimwal (landowners) collect revenues,
while Thari Mukhiya, working under the Zimwal, handle administrative
affairs, Gourang (messengers), also assist in the social affairs,
rotating every Losar13 .
Rais are ace hunters , and they still allay
the sixteen gods of the forest. But this no longer basic a
major economic acceptation, although it may accommodate occasional
meat and cash income. Hunting sometimes takes place for religious
purposes: Rai wizard reportedly use a wide range of wild animals
and body parts in ceremonies, such as the antler of a barking
beer as a drumstick. But Sherpas adopted no hunt , because
Buddhist religion commands against killing animal. However,
many Sherpas absorb large quantities of wild and domestic
animal meet with chhang (home made bear) during the Tibetan
festival of Losar like wise Shingsawas sometimes hunt to achieve
animal parts for religious or medical uses. Tibetan traditional
wizard (Ihawa) use animal horns and skins in some monasteries.
In Makalu village development committee, unwanted pregnancies
have reportedly been terminated by eating the fetus of a barking
deer. The honey hunting is intricacy and risk involved in
collecting wild honey make it an adventurous economic activity.
The Different Economy Activities
The area was once self-sufficient in food (Haimendorf
1975), but now there is a lack of adequate food. Even in Hatiya,
where the land is fertile, people make little effort to increase
agricultural productivity. Large amounts of rice and other grains
are used to produce Jaand/Chhyang (local beer), which is used
at almost every social occasion. All disputes are solved by
offering conciliatory Jaand14 . Rais
are traditionally agriculturists. Their socio-economic system
has evolved to suit the rough terrain and steep hills of their
land. Slash-and-burn (Khoriya) is an essential part of the agro-forestry
culture, a way to alleviate the area's chronic food shortages.
Almost one-third of annual grain requirements are fulfilled
by slash-and burn technology. However, tow-thirds of the agricultural
production in Khoriya land is damaged by wild animals. The rotation
cycle for using and clearing new land has grown shorter. Once
it was twelve to fifteen years; now it is three to five years.
The Rais still claim individual ownership of the steep Khoriya
plots, but had difficulty proving the legality of their claims
until the cadastral land measuring survey in 198915
Subsistence agriculture does not adequately meet
the economic needs of the area. Many young male residents seasonally
migrate to work for cash wages in other regions: the farms of
the Terai region of southern Nepal, the tea plantation of India,
or the fruit orchards of Bhutan. Some join the Indian army16
. Due to the low agricultural productivity, many young, active
Shingsawa family members migrate seasonally from their homeland
as Kabela (in caravan). Like Rais, Shingsawas migrate to the
Terai (southern Nepal) and to greater India to make up for the
economic deficits during winter. The Shingsawas trade in herbs
and medicinal plants (Chiraito, Jatamansi, etc.), which are
plentifully available in the northern border area. Using their
knowledge of medicinal plants, they work as medical practitioners.
Some families have settled in Darjeeling (West Bengal, India),
adopting the profession of butcher (Goshwala). The income is
reportedly substantial (Nepali and Sangam 1990). Many Sherpas
migrate to Kathmandu to work as trekking guides or porters for
tourists, some earning substantial incomes17
Goats and pigs are the major livestock of Rai
households. Certain Rai clans, such as the Mewahang, consider
the consumption of goat meat taboo, but they rear goats to sell
elsewhere for a high economic return. Most Rai families rear
pigs. Most Shingwas are materially poorer than Shepas. Many
Shingsawa and Sherpa families rear sheep, and exchange the wool
for food grains with the southern Rais. A few Sherpa families
in Kimathangka and Makalu Village Development Areas rear yaks.
In Makalu, they rear buffaloes18 .
A striking feature of the Rai economy is the creative
use of bamboo. There are seven species in the area (Shrestha,
1988), Strong, versatile and fast-growing, bamboo is used in
every conceivable way: As many as 57 domestic articles made
of bamboo have been collected from a single Rai household (Seeland,
1980). The Lohrung Rai believe that bamboo is their brother,
signifying manliness (Charlotte, 1989). The growth of this important
resource is locally-managed. In some, ownership of bamboo plots
is communal (Diemberger , 1989) whereas in other places it is
owned by individual or the government19
The nettle fibber (allo), was once popular as
a dress material among the Rais, especially the Kulung. Other
Rais called the Kulung Bhangre (users of rough clothing), because
of their allo garments. But allo is now losing importance in
the area. Mewahang and "Zimmi" Rais prefer to avoid
weaving allo cloth. Modern techniques have been introduced in
some areas. The Rais of Bala, Sisuwakhola, Mangtewa and Tamku
now produce all/wool blends that are being marketed outside
the area 20.
There is still barter economy accepted. Grain
is bartered for wool with the Sherpas. They collected wool is
spun and woven as a radhi, pakhi (woollen carpet and blankets),
used domestically and commercially.
Although many traditional organisations are not
legally registered or legalised by the government, their effect
on norms, behaviour and practices is powerful. Almost all these
institutions are communal, comprising either the whole village
or just kin groups.
Dharma-Guthi (Religious-trusts): Pathibhara
Village of Bhotkhola, with a numerically-dominant population
of Yamphu Rais, has tow Dharma-guthi functioning as cereal
banks for trust members during times of natural calamity.
During drought or food scarcity the members can collect grain
by paying interest to the Guthi, at rates lower than the market
rate. The current informal interest rate of the village market
(40 percent) is higher than the official government and bank
interest rate 918 percent). The collection of grain usually
takes place after the month of Shrawan (June/July)21
Samaj (Societies): Rais of Yaphu, Mangtewa
and Tamku have formed samaj or social welfare trusts, which
help the community perform functions, ceremonies and festivals.
They raise funds through donations and by organising a recital
program (Deusi) at the Hindu festival of Tihar. The trust
originated when people of these villages faced the problem
of collecting sal leaves to make plates for their religious
Kipat (a communal system of land tenure):
Kipat was once prevalent among the Rais and Limbs of eastern
Nepal. In the Makalu-Barun area Kipat tenure was abolished
in 1940-41, but further east, among the Limbus, it continued
until 1968. Kipat land was not taxed in the same way as Raikar.
Instead, each household paid a fixed sum of money to the government
irrespective of the amount of land it owned. Entitlement to
use Kipat land was based on membership of a particular ethnic
group and the territory was subdivided according to clans.
Rais Kipatiyas were responsible for the collection and delivery
of taxes, and held judicial authority over all offences except
those which entailed capital punishment or loss of caste.
Even after the abolition of Kipat the authority of the Kipatiyas
continued. The authority of the Kipatiyas continued. The Rais
continued to exercise the privilege of tax collection. But
presently neither has de facto nor de jury control over the
land. In many villages the Zimwal oversees the collection
of land revenue for the District Land Revenue Office. Although
this gives him prestige, it does not provide any financial
benefits. This system may continue until the area is surveyed
by the Land Survey Department. The institution of Kipat no
longer has the same influence over society as it once did
and the Zimwal has only local influence23
Charipuja (land-worship): Charipuja is performed
by all Rais to increase agricultural productivity. The terminology
differs from one group to another, but the ritual is always
attached to land and water sources. Its importance for Rais
is comparable to the festival of Dasain for Hindus24
Kiduk: The Shingswas of Bhotkhola observe
a social management system called Kiduk for the performance
of social rites and rituals. In times of crisis one seeks
financial or management help from the Kiduk. This system functions
in the traditional context of the society where no one is
in command. The lead role is played by the person who seeks
help from the community where all families are linked either
by marital or blood relations. This system works smoothly
at the community level due to the homogeneity of the area
and can be utilised in programmes at the grassroots level25
Gobas: Traditional village chieftains, command
high social status in Shingsawa communities. According to
Mr. Jenjin Bhote, Goba of Syaksila Village, these chieftains
had the authority to maintain law and order in their assigned
areas until 1950. Gobas now work only as tax collectors, similar
to the Zimbal. Before 1950, the Goba system predominated in
villages north of the Arun River such as Hedangna, Seduwa,
Walung, Chhoyang, Yaphu, Mangtewa and Tamku26
People, Nature And Wild Life
In this conservation Area there are five peaks,
they are Makalu (8463 meters), vhssmlang (7319), Barunts (7129meters),
Amadablam (6812m) and Mera peak (6654m) . Mt. Makalu, worlds
fifth highest peak. There are Nine Lakes/pounds. They are panch
pokhari, Barun pokhari, Tama pokhari, Dudh pokhari, Panch pokheri,
Jhale pokheri, Tin pokheri, Yekle pokheri, and Thulo pokhari,
The popular rivers are Arun river (khola) ,Saldima khola, Barun
khola, Isuwa khola, Apsuwa khola, Sankhuwa khola, Si suwa khola,
Hungu khola, Inkhu khola, and Dudh koshi khola.
The issues of a Himalayan "eco-crisis"
have been raised time and again, describing the exploitation
of forests and marginal agricultural land in an attempt to
produce enough food. It has been argued that forest cover
is being destroyed. Erosion and landslides are increasing,
thus decreasing the productivity of soil, pasture and forest
products. The question is, who is responsible for this, local
residents, or external or natural processes ? Himalayan ethnic
groups have many traditions and practices which help them
live in harmony with their surroundings. This process has
carried on through many generations, based on experience and
instinct, rather than conscious thought. Such communities
identify themselves as part of nature (Diemberger 1989; Arts;
Michael 1989). The land is not only a place from which to
gather material resources, but also a vast storehouse of images
and experiences which create a sense of their place in the
world. This universal phenomenon is especially evident in
the case of communities that live in close collaboration with
nature (Ramble and Chapagain 1990). As Rappaport (1997) wrote:
Nature is seen by humans through a screen of beliefs, knowledge,
and purposes rather than as the actual structure of nature.
Yet, it is upon nature that they do act, and it is nature
itself that acts upon them. Disparities between images of
nature are always simpler than nature and in some degree or
sense inexact, for ecological systems are complex and subtle
beyond full comprehension. After centuries of experience,
residents of remote areas generally understand the consequences
of mishandling nature. It is obviously not in their best interest
to destroy the environmental balance. They have devised the
means to protect their forest, pasture and water resources
through their own time-tried technologies. The examples of
managed preservation and conservation of natural resources
over the centuries by local people can be seen in many places
in Nepal (Forbes 1989). For generations, local residents used
various traditional management strategies which protected
forests and pastures. These policies, which conserved natural
resources and utilised local resources for domestic needs,
should be incorporated into development planning. The livelihoods
of most people in the Makalu-Barun area are based on agro-forestry.
Living in remote, rough terrain, they depend on the forest
resources around them and try to utilise them in a sustainable
manner. The need for scientific or planned management of natural
resources was seldom considered, either by local people (who
are unaware of such systems), or by outside planners. The
only exceptions were four village-level community forestry
Makula Barun have contrasting altitudes are create dramatic
changes in climate, wild life and plants within only a few
In tropical (500-1,000m) Sal and broad -leaved forests, cultivated
fields and in wildlife includes porcupine, Languor, Wild boar
Then in sub- Tropical plants (1,000-1500) forests of Chir
pine, alder Schima - Castanopsis, terraced farm land and wild
animals clouded Leopard, Himalaya black bear, Jungle cat,
and Indian Muntjac.
In temperate climate (2,500-3,500) forests of rhododendron
oak, laurel, maple, magnolia, and alder Terraced farm land
. Wild life includes wolf, musk deer, red panda and Himalayan
On Sub- Alpine (3,500-4,500) forests of birch, Silver fir,
and rhododendron mingled with Sub -alpine grassland. Wildlife
include Himalayan Weasel, marmot and yak.
Like wise in Alpine (4,500-6,000) alpinegrassland, bushes
a medicine herbs, Juniper/rhododen dron scrub at lower regions.
Mostly rock and ice with little vegetation and wild life above
5,000m snow Leopard and red fox roam this zone.
And last Nival (above 6,000) there are 30 Himalayan peaks
towering 6, 000 meters and higher in the Makalu Barun area.
Not only that in this area we found 25 species of rhododendron,
47 types of orchids and 56 rare or endangered plants. We found
hundred types of sungabha (kind of flower), 48 types of wild
rose, and 3000 types of colourful flowers . Bird watchers
and exports found 400 types of bird and 16 are very eminent.
Here founds 67 types of Herbs. In the pounds and rivers we
founds 24 types of fish and 50 types of mammals.
Makalu-Barun is a paradise for eco-tourism. Eco-tourism definer
as ambience and socially accountable tourism which attenuate
degradation of natural environment, culture, and socio-economic
contingent and provides economic benefit to local people through
employment and service. So Makalu-Barun can be paradise of
the world of tourist and Nature walkers.
1. Dr. Ramesh Raj Kuwar, Ethnicity in South
Asia, pg. no. 29.
2. Ibid, pg. no. 30.
3. Kamal Baskota, Bikash Sharma and Murari Upadhya, Socia
Economic Survey of The Makalu Barun Conservation Area, pg.
4. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural onsiderations:
An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 4.
5. Ibid, pg. no. 6.
6. Ibid, pg. no. 8.
7. Dr. Ramesh Raj Kunwar, The Sherpa of Nepal, pg. no. 20.
8. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural Considerations:
An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 8.
9. Ibid, pg. no. 6.
10. Sueyoshi Toba, Rites of Passage: An Aspect of Rai Cuture,
pg. no. 15.
11. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural onsiderations:
An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 8.
12. Dr. Ramesh Raj Kunwar, The Sherpa of Nepal, pg. no. 23.
13. Rohit Kumar Nepali, Development Effort and Cultural onsiderations:
An Anthropological Study, pg. no. 11.
14. Ibid, pg. no. 9.
15. Ibid, pg. no. 7.
16. Ibid, pg. no. 7.
17. Ibid, pg. no. 9.
18. Ibid, pg. no. 7/9.
19 . Ibid, pg. no. 6/7.
20. Ibid, pg. no. 7.
21. Ibid, pg. no. 10.
24. Ibid, pg. no. 11.
25. Ibid, pg. no. 10.
26. Ibid, pg. no. 11.
27. Ibid, pg. no. 25/26
Baskota, Kamal, Bikash Sharma and Murari Upadhyaya. (1996).
Socio Economic Survey of the Makalu-Barun Conservation
Area (Report 28). Kathmandu: The Mountain Institute.
Kunwar, Dr. Ramesh. Ehnicity in South Asia.
Kathmandu: Laxmi Kunwar.
Nepal Sherpa Association (Journal). (1996).
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